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Let us work together Labour's way out of a crisis The Labour Party manifesto 1974 The Common Market Britain is a European nation, and a Labour Britain would always seek a wide co-operation between the European peoples. But a profound mistake made by the Heath Government was to accept the terms of entry to the Common Market, and to take us in without the consent of the British people. This has involved the imposition of food taxes on top of rising world prices, crippling fresh burdens on our balance of payments, and a draconian curtailment of the power of the British Parliament to settle questions affecting vital British interests. We have spelled out in Labour's Programme for Britain our objectives in the new negotiations which must take place: "The Labour party opposes British membership of the European Communities on the terms negotiated by the Conservative government. We have said we are ready to negotiate. In preparing to re-negotiate the entry terms, our main objectives are these: Major changes in the Common Agricultural Policy, so that is ceases to be a threat to world trade in food products, and so that low-cost producers outside Europe can continue to have access to the British food market. "New and fairer methods of financing the community budget. Neither taxes that form the so-called 'own resources' of the communities, nor the purposes, mainly agricultural support, on which the funs are mainly to be spent, are acceptable to us. "We would be ready to contribute to Community finances only such sums as were fair in relation to what is paid and what is received by member countries. "As stated earlier, we would reject any kind of international agreement which compelled us to accept increased unemployment for the sake of maintaining a fixed parity, as is required by current proposals for European economic and monetary union.We believe that monetary problems of the European countries can be resolved only in a world-wide framework. "The retention by parliament of those powers over the British economy need to pursue effective regional, industrial and fiscal policies. "Equally we need an agreement on capital movements which protects our balance of payments and full employment policies.The economic interests of the Commonwealth and the Developing countries must be better safeguarded. This involves securing continued access to the British market and, more generally, the adoption by an enlarged Community of trade and aid policies designed to benefit not just 'associated overseas territories' in Africa, but developing countries throughout the world. "No harmonisation of Value Added Tax which would require us to tax necessities. "If renegotiations are successful, it is the policy of the Labour party that, in view of the unique importance of the decision, the people should have the right to decide the issue through a General Election or a Consultative Referendum. If these two tests are passed, a successful renegotiation and the expressed approval of the majority of the British people, then we shall be ready to play our full part in developing a new and wider Europe. "If renegotiations do no succeed, we shall not regard the Treat obligations binding upon us. We shall then put to the British people the reasons why we find the new terms unacceptable, and consult them on the advisability of negotiating our withdrawl from the Communities." An incoming Labour Government will immediately set in train the procedures designed to achieve an early result and whist the negotiations proceed and until the British people have voted, we shall stop further processes of integration, particularly as they affect food taxes. The government will be free to take decisions, subject to the authority of Parliament, in cases where decisions of the Common Market prejudge the negotiations. Thus, the right to decide the final issue of British entry into the Market will be restored to the British people. Editor's comment: If anyone would like to submit their favourite manifesto, it may be worth a laugh too, you know where to send it.   Britain's New Deal in Europe 'Her Majesty's Government have decided to recommend to the British people to vote for staying in the community' Harold Wilson, Prime Minister, 1975. Will parliament lose its power? Another anxiety expressed about Britain' membership of the Common Market is that Parliament could lose its supremacy, and we would have to obey laws passed by unelected 'faceless bureaucrats' sitting in their headquarters in Brussels. What are the facts? Fact No 1 is that in the modern world even the Super Powers like America and Russia do not have complete freedom of action. Medium sized nations like Britain are more and more subject to economic and political forces which we cannot control on our own. A striking recent example of the impact such forces is the way Arab oil producing nations brought about an energy and financial crisis, not only in Britain but throughout a great part of the world. Since we cannot go it alone in the modern world, Britain has for years been a member of international groupings like the United Nations, NATO and the International Monetary Fund. Membership of such groupings imposes both rights and duties, but has not deprived us of our national identity, or changed our way of life. Membership of the Common Market also imposes new rights and duties on Britain, but does not deprive us of our national identity. Fact 3 The British Parliament in Westminster retains the final right to repeal the Act which took us into the Market on January 1, 1973. Thus our continued membership will depend on the continued assent of Parliament. The White Paper on the new Market terms recently presented to Parliament by the Prime Minister declares that through membership of the Market we are better able to advance and protect our national interests. This is the essence of sovereignty.   Why you should vote no Statement by the National Referendum Campaign. 1975 For peace, stability and independence Some say that the Common Market is a strong united group of countries, working closely together, and that membership would give us protection against an unfriendly world. There is no truth in this assertion. The defence of Britain and Western Europe depends not on the Common Market at all, but on NATO, which includes other countries like the United States, Canada and Norway, which are not members of the Common Market. Any attempt to substitute the Common Market for NATO as a defence shield would be highly dangerous for Britain.   50 Questions and Answers on the European Community Issued by the Conservative Research Department European Democratic Group, September 1988 1. What do we get out of Community Membership? iv, Peace and Stability. Member states working closely together in the European Community, and the strong partnership within the NATO Alliance, mean that war between the countries of Western Europe is now unthinkable. Nothing is more important for our children. 4, Isn't Britain becoming part of a 'United States of Europe'? i, No. The Prime Minister has made the Conservative position quite clear. Progress towards completion of the Single Market by 1992 is not synonymous with progress towards a so-called United States of Europe, or a surrender of our independence, sovereignty or national identity. ii, The Conservative Party is not a federalist party. As the Prime Minister said: "It is not possible to have a United States of Europe". However, as she went on to say: "what is possible is for the 12 countries of Europe to work more closely together and have fewer formalities across borders - but not to dissolve our own infinite variety, our own nationality, our own identity. "I think Europe will be stronger because it has Britain in as Britain, France in as France and Spain in as Spain. I do not wish them to dissolve into some common sort of neutral personality" (BBC Radio 2, July 1988). 46. Can't we act together more on foreign affairs? 1, On most issues Members States do act together on foreign affairs. They normally vote together at the UN and other international bodies, and speak with one voice at international conferences such as the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. ii, Examples of joint community action includes the imposition of tough diplomatic sanctions against Syria following the implication of the Syrian Ambassador in terrorist activity in London and the imposition of very severe military and economic sanctions against Argentina during the Falklands War. iii, Conservatives have led the way in giving a legal basis to a proceedure known as European Political Co-operation under the Single European Act, which enable Member states to co-ordinate their positions on foreign policy issues. A small secretariat has been set up in Brussels to speed up the Community's response to major crises and to ensure greater continuity in the Community's approach to international issues. 48. Why doesn't the Community get more involved in defence policy? i, A role for the Community in defence was not provided for in the Treaty of Rome, although the Single European Act makes possible closer co-ordination between Member States on political and economic aspects of security. ii, NATO is the right forum for the co-ordination of Western defence. It is the Atlantic Alliance between the United States, Canada and Western Europe which now, as in the past, guarantees our security. Most, but not all, Member States of the Community are also members of NATO. iii, The revival of the Western European Union (which comprises seven states, including the UK) shows that European nations are concerned to play their full part within the Alliance. WEU co-ordination of the mine counter-measurers forces in the Gulf has been one of the most positive contributions to multilateral activity it has made since revitalisation. iv, Conservatives have pressed for closer European co-operation in the purchase and production of defence equipment and for security issues (including detente and disarmament) to be regularly discussed in the European parliament and in European Political Co-operation. (see Q46)   What is the Common Market? By John Redwood, Corporate Affairs Minister, 4, September 1990. . . . There are those who believe that a new European nationalism could be built and would act as a focus of loyalties that would take away the tensions of the old religions and customs. Some see in the 12 star blue flag and development of a Euro government the possibility of creating a new focus of loyalty that would make national interests a thing of the past. This is naive. History littered with examples of attempts to create a wider ideal to overcome national feeling. All have perished. The Holy Roman Empire fell foul of different religions and languages. The British Empire, the Dutch Empire, the German Central European Empire of the 1930s and 40s all fell prey to the same tensions responding to very different approaches to the centralising ideals. It did not matter whether the federal forces moved forward on the basis of democracy and human rights or on the basis of armies and repression. The results were nearly always the same: national sentiments prove too strong. Only the US, with a common language, a common currency, and a common history has succeeded, after a civil war. Canada finds the language problem difficult, the union of Soviet Republics is under great strain, the Hapsburg Empire is no more - that is why the British government insists that Europe must proceed with careful steps and must always listen carefully to the will of the individual peoples of Europe. There are already nationalities problems within existing problems. It is true that the Basques in Spain, of the Walloons and the Flemings in Belgium, to say nothing of the possible Balkan squabbles ahead. Our vision of the new Europe is a clear and bright one. We believe that the first priority is to complete the common market which we joined.